Women’s participation is indispensable in all fields of endeavor. The saying also goes women are pillars in all aspects of life. As opposed to the past, these days the participation of the fair sex in the country’s multifaceted activities is mounting by the day. Now, half of cabinet is populated by women. In addition, in an unprecedented unfolding of the country’s history, the presidency of the country has gone to a competent lady. In the research arena too competent women are coming to the forefront. Today’s guest is Instructor Meskerem Abera. she was born in 1989 in Dangla town found in Gojjam. She completed her elementary, secondary school educations at Dangla. She earned her BA in history and historical management and her MA in Development Studies from Addis Ababa University. she served her country in different capacities. She was an instructor at Hawassa Teachers College.
She also known for the spectrum of researches her conducts revolving around the socio-politics of the country. Currently, she is a lecturer at Hawassa University. The Ethiopian Herald had a time of togetherness with Instructor and researcher Meskerem Abera. Excerpts:
Ethiopian Herald: could you tell us about the research paper entitled Transiting Ethiopia without a Transitional Government you recently presented in a forum Vision Ethiopia facilitated.
Meskerem: The escalator of the paper is all about transiting Ethiopia without a transitional government. The political culture in the country has to experience a transformation. The time for a transitional government is now too late. It has already passed. It also seems difficult to establish a transitional government. My concern is on how to transform the country’s political culture without a transitional government. My paper probes into critical issues that should be addressed to transform the country. One is ethnic politics. These days everything in the country is ethnically politicized.
This is one thing that needs to be redressed. The direct way to handle the challenge rests on the constitution which needs to be amended. Many emphasize how ethnic politics is insidious and calamitous for the country. The democratic institutions in the country seem serving only people that belong to a certain ethnic group and who know the language of that state. In addition, the ethnic politics has the characteristics of alienating those that hail from other ethnic backgrounds and favoring those from the same set. The current transition-like reform underway has parried TPLF’s dominance.
TPLF had taken the upper hand in every activity in the country and alienated others from equal participation. This happened not just because TPLF was that bad. Rather, it is the characteristics of ethnic politics. In such political disposition, alienation in one hand and preferential treatment on the other hand are indispensable. The second problem lies in the federalism based on ethnic arrangement. It is one of the overarching problems in the country. This state arrangement based on ethnicity proves a formidable challenge to the country. It creates primary and secondary citizens in a given state or enclave. Members that hail from a given enclave enjoy their full right, while others suffer displacement. The latter also harbor fear for their lives. In such a manner, building a modern society is unthinkable. The third problem lies in land ownership connected with ethnicity. The land was entitled to Ethiopian Nations, Nationalities and Peoples. The term Nations and Nationalities itself is not well defined and unknown. In this system, the primary citizens in the state become the owners of the land. Due to this, we are witnessing killings and displacements of secondary citizens in the state. Forth, ethnic politics allows the large ethnic groups, with wide fan base, to grip power. Whether the person they elect is knowledgeable or not is not considered in so far as s/he belongs to that ethnic group. The other problem resides in EPRDF’s political culture— the so called cadre’s system promoted in the country. Most of the party’s officials prove defficient in digesting and discharging huge and lofty national agendas and policies. Rather, they confine themselves to handling small state-based and ethnic-related questions. In such type of political culture, loyalty proves much better than ability. This begs for rectification.
Herald: How do you seen the reform Ethiopia is undergoing today?
Meskerem: I see the reform with a grain of salt. Things are not uniform. When we expect leaders to walk their talk, we might see some lapses. EPRDF’s long-entrenched political propensity to show partiality to given ethnic groups is not inconspicuous. I have seen two symptoms that exhibit the reform seems to serve the ODP. Though appreciable, the performance by the reformist is not as the great expectation of citizens. For example the OLF Shane branch behaves in an untoward manner. But the response from the government was not appropriate. I do not think Dr. Abiy could exercise extreme patience if others acted the same way. Without having ample reason for actions, serious punitive measures were taken on the Addis Ababa’s youngsters during the welcoming of Ginbot Sebat. This shows double standard. The other one is the ID case in the rumor mill of Addis. These two reasons make the over ambitious to have less confidence on the reform. The extreme PM’s patience though good it did not help the innocent from getting killed. So, he should think on his patience.
Herald: What do you think are the shortcomings of the last two transitions periods in Ethiopian History (Derg and EPRDF)?
Meskerem: True, there were two transitional governments, not favored by people. The Ethiopian people had no chance to have transitional governments of their choice. Officials in both the transitional periods – during the Derg and EPRDF – did what they saw fit rather than what people needed. What they busied themselves with was taking power and eliminating opponents. There were absolute commonalities of both transitional periods. It was the fate of mission that fell on OLF. Derg used mission to consolidate its power. Derg had no inkling what socialism is all about and how to lead the country accordingly. Haile Fida was a very intelligent and intellectual person. He helped Derg to stand on its feet. He was innocent enough but they eliminated him after using him. The EPRDF used the OLF to advance towards the capital. The OLF officials were educated enough. Due to this, they used the OLF to control absolute power. Adopting the same strategy, Derg applied to eliminate the mission , EPRDF did away with OLF. In general, the transition periods in the country created opportune moments to those who hankered after power than helping and serving fellow citizens.
Herald: On your research paper you say transition is not necessary at this point in time? Could we take the way DR. Abiy and his group came to power as a period of transition? Do you think the reform could continue without transition?
Meskerem: Think of what would be the fate of the country if Dr. Abiy did not pop up on the country’s political arena. EPRDF was a source of our problem and it became part of our solution thanks to Premier Dr. Abiy. I cannot imagine the reform without Dr.Abiy. But he needs to be prudential enough to keep the tempo of the reform. Prime Minister Abiy has a will and ability to do that. He thinks a lot but the circumstances he is not allowing him enough room to do much. Though he is from the ethnic politics background, I think he prefers the citizenship politics. Currently, he seems standing in the gray area. I appreciate his commitment but I have reservation on his accomplishment according to his set plan.
Herald: How do you see the level of political maturity of some officials at every administrative ladder? Could possible short comings, you mentioned on your paper, pose a challenge on the reform? What must be done?
Meskerem: This question leads us to the culture of appointment in the EPRDF. EPRDF had been appointing officials not based on their ability or education. Rather, the recruitment was based on how loyal they were to the system. The officials were appointed solely based on their loyalty. Loyalty cannot replace knowledge. Some do not see capable enough to rise to the responsibilities they are tasked with. They could not come to the same wavelength of what they are appointed for. This is one roadblock that conspires to possibly hold back the reform expected to surge ahead. Naturally, the reform presupposes an in-depth knowledge and intelligence to understand today’s world and to troubleshoot intricate challenges. It needs dynamic knowledge and being tactic fullness. Some cadres, at the middle and lower rungs of the ladder, need to know that in their position they could solve some problems and better serve people they administer. They should seek the advice of scholars and brilliant advisors. They should give a heeding ear to their advisors. In addition, they should conduct a research on how to solve the challenges confronting the country.
Herald: What is your say on ethnicity-charged politics and citizenship politics? What do you say about the federalism Ethiopia pursues today?
Meskerem: The ethnic’s politics is the primordial of the pre-modern society. You can categorize the primordial society based on their culture and language, among others. It was helpful in the capitalism economy in the primordial society during the industrial revolution. Today, we are living in a modern era or society, though we are not modern. The world is industrialized and modernized than before. We have to find a way to be back in track. The primordial society is complicated due to several things. But, in the citizenship politics, one is going to be judged by one’s character and knowledge, which is significant for the betterment of the country. The citizenship bent allows one accommodate one’s ethnic inclination simultaneously going parallel. The ethnic politics line could not warrant qualification that citizens attach much significance to as a modern society. Observably, due to the crisis that attends ethnic politics, people are losing their human and democratic rights. Ethiopia has managed to see a democratic government. Ethnic politics has nothing to do with democracy. In the prism of ethnic-charged politics, there is no autonomous and power sharing.
Herald: What is your take on land tenure or ownership issue?
Meskerem: There are two types of land ownership called communal and private land ownership. Our concern is on the private ownership. The private ownership need to warrant citizens’ full and absolute ownership of their land. There should be complete and clear laws on the land ownership. Currently, citizens have use-right ID cards on the land they owned. But they are stripped of the right to do whatever they want with their property. So, the ownership of the land must be absolute to the tenure. I believe private ownership with complete right on the land is recommendable.
Herald: Some are heard saying X or Y city or zone belongs to our ethnic group? What do you say about that?
Meskerem: Pertaining to the question of the ownership of some zones and cities, if the question is from the people themselves it should not be blamed. The blame is ascribable to those people who formed the law. The constitution gave the lands to the ethnic groups. So we are now reaping the wild oats our politicians sowed. The blame should go to the constitution too. Some people are seen posing self-centered ownership questions based on the constitution. They are right according to the constitution. We have to have an extended and heated debate on the constitution. Though, it is difficult to amend the constitution within a short period of time, we have to sit for discussion to solve our problems. Herald: EPRDF did strike out history and geography courses from both high school and university curriculums. Would you say something about that and mention on ways forward? Could that be one of the factors for the conflicts we witness in universities?
Mekerem: Of course they did strike it out. But this might be one of the problems but not the only and one. Students need to know each other. EPRDF rewrote history in a way it helps to infuse its divisive political propaganda. We need to have original history to learn from the bad and sustain the goods.
Herald: What do you say about the boarder and identity commission and also the peace and reconciliation commission?
Meskerem: I liked the Peace and Reconciliation Commission and the Identity Commissions. Peace and reconciliation are decisive in having a peaceful country. I could not figure out the use of the identity and boarder commissions until we amend the constitution. Without addressing problems related with the constitution, bringing into play boarder and identity commission is adding a problem. Rather, it is better to have a constitutional commission. We cannot move both constitution and identity commissions’ parallel.
Herald: How do you see the women empowerment task and the injection of new blood?
Meskerem: For me, what you all women empowerment is a misnomer. It is just appointing the women best-placed on position to showcase their potential. It must be known that empowerment is teaching disadvantaged ones and engaging them economically and politically. Empowerment must not be seen appointing an educated woman as a minister. In light of this fact what we saw is just picking and appointing women. But from Premier’d deeds to this effect what I appreciated most is his appointing task of women on demanding and lofty political positions like minister of defense and president of state. He puts his trust on women who have better education and knowledge. Empowering women was lacking. He just used empowered women and gave them a position.
Herald: Some are taking the country’s problems to a century, while others are downsizing it to 27 years. What do say on that?
Meskerem: I do not think all our problems are hatched out of EPRDF’s blanket. The country’s problems are inveterate ones. Our forefathers inherited to us the problem by adding on them than solving them. The sources of the problems stretch back.
Herald: Can we say the “old” Ethiopia represents and recognizes all ethnics groups in the country? Is our history all-inclusive?
Meskerem: If we see our past histories in the glass of ethnicity, things are going to be wrong. Some groups were included, while others were precluded. We do have the history of those who had a grip of power. They used to rule the country. Those who were warriors got the chance to have the bigger slice of the country’s history. Yes all-inclusiveness is the shortfall of the country’s history. Leaders were fighting to hold a power in different ways. The problems do not have any connection with ethnicity. Religion-based discrimination was evidenced at the time. Unless one was a Christian and had a linage from the Solomonic dynasty, one could not be a king at that time. The problem is, we are still witnessing the past history in the current political arena.
Herald: What do you think are the main problems in Ethiopian history?
Meskerem: The feudal system that persisted for long was the Achilles’ heel of the country. There were many revolutions to ward it off. Even the last monarch had the ambition to monger to power by bringing into play feudalism permeated constitution. So, the main problem was the gloomy feudal system in the country.
The Ethiopian herald, February 17/2019
BY AMBO MEKASA
