Today’s guest, Yasin Ahmed Bagay, is a founder and president of the Ethiopian Institute for Public Diplomacy. Living in Sweden, he established the institute four years ago to defend GERD issues. As an Ethiopian-Arabic speaker, Ahmed has been active in defending Ethiopia in Arabic media and on social media.
He previously appeared on Al Jazeera, Russia Today, and other Arabic media outlets. His dream of starting the Ethiopian Institute for Public Diplomacy began 15 years ago, inspired by the Swedish Institute’s work in public diplomacy.
After Dr. Abiy Ahmed’s reforms in Ethiopia, he seized the opportunity to establish the organization in 2020 with friends from Saudi Arabia and Ethiopia. Born in Ethiopia, Ahmed left at a young age and returned after 33 years, motivated to defend Ethiopian interests, starting with GERD.
The Ethiopian Herald recently had a brief visit with Yasin Ahmed Bagay to discuss a variety of issues regarding the role of the Ethiopian diaspora community in defending Ethiopia and related matters. Have a nice read!
Many Ethiopians are engaged in activism and highly interested in defending Ethiopian interests, especially GERD, but they do not seem interested in establishing an institute. What motivated you to pursue this institute?
Thank you for the insightful question. I believe one reason for establishing this institute is the weaknesses observed in Ethiopian public diplomacy. In Ethiopia, we have experience working with official diplomacy through government channels and Ethiopian embassies worldwide. However, in European countries like Sweden, Germany, and the UK, there are numerous public organizations, mostly NGOs, that receive government funding to support public diplomacy efforts. Western governments believe that civil society organizations play a vital role in strengthening official diplomacy.
I couldn’t find any Ethiopian organization dedicated to public diplomacy, which sparked my interest in filling this gap. By establishing an institute, we can bring together diverse talents, capacities, and opportunities. As Ethiopians living in the diaspora, we share common backgrounds and interests. Leveraging Western public diplomacy experiences can help us export our knowledge to Ethiopia.
In my experience, public diplomacy is not only about defending Ethiopian interests, such as those related to the GERD or the Red Sea, but also about building trust between different communities. For instance, during the Sudanese war, we showed support for the Sudanese people to demonstrate solidarity. Celebrating national events in countries like Saudi Arabia, Kenya, and Sweden through social media posts also helped foster positive relationships.
Public diplomacy complements official diplomacy and can significantly contribute to Ethiopia’s development. Ethiophobia, the negative perceptions surrounding Ethiopia in neighboring African and Middle Eastern countries, presents another reason for establishing this institute. By showcasing the new Ethiopia and moving away from outdated narratives, we aim to promote Ethio-prosperity and regional cooperation.
Engaging with countries like Somalia and addressing current challenges while highlighting Ethiopia’s role in regional geopolitics is crucial. Ethiopia’s abundant natural resources, like water, can benefit the entire African continent. By emphasizing Ethiopia’s historical right to access the Red Sea, we can pave the way for regional collaboration.
I am encouraged by recent developments, such as the establishment of public diplomacy initiatives within the Ethiopian Foreign Ministry. This underscores the importance of government support for public diplomacy efforts. Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed’s administration has opened up opportunities for Ethiopian individuals and organizations to actively participate in defending the country’s interests, both domestically and abroad.
As your organization is an institute, one of the tasks undertaken will be conducting research. In this regard, how effective is the organization?
Yes, that’s a good question. We have published articles and research on various issues such as the GERD, Ethiopia becoming a member of the BRICS, the African and American summit, and Russia. We publish research in Arabic and sometimes in English. We focus on research in Arabic because our target audience is Arabic-speaking, but we also publish in English.
For example, currently, we are working on summarizing the new book, “Ye Hulet Wuhawoch Abay Strategy,” translating it into Arabic, and publishing it. This is the first document published by the Ethiopian government and the Ethiopian foreign minister. Last week, I attended a conference about Africa between Al Jazeera Center Studies and the Institute of Foreign Affairs in Ethiopia. It was a two-day event.
As a representative of the Ethiopian Institute for Public Diplomacy, I established a good network with researchers and presenters at the conference. Most presentations were in Arabic, with some in English by Ethiopian authors. Research is crucial, but honestly, we lack enough documents on Ethiopian policy.
Previously, our main source of information on the Nile came from Arabic sources in Egypt, Sudan, and the Gulf states. Now, with more documents becoming available, we are starting to have access to information. However, there are delays in translating documents from Amharic to Arabic and English, which are international languages.
When the Ethiopian government publishes policy documents, we need them to be available in multiple languages. There is a translation available, but it may not be accurate. Egyptian researchers have reached out to me to verify the quality of translations. We aim to provide analyses of these documents in Arabic magazines with an Ethiopian context to serve as a source for other Arab research centers.
In the institute, we have various researchers who can write on different issues. We aim to provide our analysis when the Ethiopian government publishes policy documents. We are also seeking a local partner in Ethiopia to apply for projects and funding from Europe to further our research and publications. Our goal is to defend Ethiopia and provide more research and publications in the future, Inshallah.
Many media outlets in Egypt, and even some government officials, have been providing conflicting information to the public, suggesting that the source of the Abbay River is not Ethiopia, but Egypt. What was your role in terms of raising awareness of the people?
This narrative is entirely wrong. However, when it comes to telling the truth about GERD and even the river Abbay, sometimes this false narrative asserts that the source of the Nile River is not Ethiopia, but Egypt. So, in terms of being truthful with the public, especially Egyptians, what mechanism do you use? There is a historical reason for this. Our Institute in collaboration with the government of Ethiopia have failed to highlight this issue because we did not publicize or inform the world that the source of the Nile is Ethiopia until the GERD project began. There has also been a lack of knowledge from Arab countries, as they are unaware of each other, resulting in mutual ignorance between the Arab countries and Ethiopia.
Over the past four to five decades, Egypt has succeeded in spreading this narrative that the Nile belongs to Egypt. Even my colleagues in Sweden, when asked about the source of the Nile, were under the impression that it was Egypt. This narrative has become widely accepted in the Arabic world and beyond, being perceived as the truth. This is why I believe that the GERD project has the potential to change this narrative, and we must thank our government for initiating this project.
This GERD is not only beneficial for Ethiopia in terms of generating electricity but also in terms of promoting Ethiopia in the Arab world. The Ethiopian government would never have been able to afford the billions of dollars required for such publicity in the Arabic media, but thanks to the GERD, we have received free publicity from the Arab media, as it aligns with their interests.
Through the GERD, we have the opportunity to correct misconceptions and fake news about Ethiopia and the project.
This has allowed Ethiopia to be introduced to every Arab household, thereby increasing awareness and understanding of our country. This publicity can be used to strengthen our relationship with the Arabic world, culturally, socially, economically, and in terms of security.
While it is now widely acknowledged that Ethiopia is the source of the Nile, the challenge lies in changing the Egyptian narrative that the GERD will reduce water flow to Sudan and Ethiopia. The reality is that the dam will primarily generate electricity, not affect irrigation practices. Egypt has already adjusted its policies regarding water usage due to the GERD, showing a willingness to adapt to the new geopolitical landscape.
As a media professional, it is important to recognize the difference between propaganda in the media and the actions taken by the Egyptian government. While the media may use the GERD to distract from domestic challenges, the government is actively preparing for the changes that will come with the completion of the project. Cooperation between Egypt and Ethiopia is essential, as Ethiopia has every right to proceed with the GERD under international law and agreements.
The other question I have related to this is: six Nile riparian countries have signed and ratified the CFA, what does this mean for you, especially in defending the GERD?
It means a lot to me. It means Ethiopia is not alone. Ethiopia has the support of five countries. The majority of the Nile basin is supporting this initiative, which makes it easier for me to defend. This is accepted by the African Union. The six countries, the initiative agreement, and the support of the African Union all help me defend Ethiopia’s rights and speak the truth. Egypt’s narrative has been about historical rights.
Egypt always claims to have historical rights to the Nile. However, after this CFA agreement, there is no place for historical rights because there is no basis for historical rights in international law. The CFA denies or rejects this historical right, which is wonderful.
The Arab world and Egypt have a strong attachment due to the new project called Toshka, which involves collaboration with the Arab world. However, the Toshka project in the desert has faced challenges and has not worked as planned. In terms of collaboration with the Arab world on providing water and electricity, Ethiopia has an opportunity to strengthen its relationships.
Egypt has become isolated as the Gulf States have shifted their strategies to maintain good relations with both Egypt and Ethiopia. Ethiopia is now seen as a source of food security by the Gulf States due to their investments in the country. Additionally, Ethiopia’s access to the Red Sea will allow it to play a significant role in securing the region alongside Arab and African countries. Ethiopia’s membership in BRICS, a financial and economic forum, also opens up opportunities for regional cooperation with Arab countries.
Egypt’s attempts to influence the Arab countries against Ethiopia through military actions or alliances are outside the new geopolitics. The BRICS will prevent any conflicts between Egypt and Ethiopia, as Ethiopia’s interests are aligned with Arab countries and other regional powers. Ethiopia’s strong relations with the West also prevent Egypt from influencing the Arab countries against Ethiopia. The Arab League, with 11 countries in the African continent, shares mutual interests with both Africa and the Arab world.
Ethiopia is now cooperating with Somaliland to gain, as you mentioned earlier, a sea gate, while Somalia is now opposing the former. So, what message do you have for the people in Somalia and Somaliland?
By the way, we have a large Somali community in Sweden. I have very good friends and a good relationship with the Somali community in Sweden, including both Somalia and Somaliland.
After this agreement between Ethiopia and Somaliland, there has been a lot of debate and discussion. We have learned a lot from our neighbors in Somaliland because we didn’t have much information about them before. It has been a huge opportunity for me to get to know them better. I have learned that Somaliland was an independent country before the Republic of Somalia-Mogadishu.
They were recognized as a state by the UN in 1960 after gaining independence from the Italian colony. Somaliland proposed a union with the Republic of Somalia as a sovereign and independent country. However, this union did not work out. In the 1990s, the people and government of Somaliland declared their independence from this union.
Many in Arab countries, like Egypt, do not know this. They consider Somaliland to be a regional part of Somalia, but the people of Somaliland do not see themselves as part of Somalia. They were part of the union but left because they felt it was unfair.
It is important for us to respect their choice. Ethiopia is not the only country to form relations with Somaliland. There are eight other countries, including the United States, the UK, and the United Arab Emirates, that have good relations with Somaliland and have consulates or embassies there.
The cooperation between Somaliland and Ethiopia is not new. Ethiopia has used the Berbera port before. This agreement is strategic and tactical. It changes the issue of Ethiopia seeking access to the Red Sea from a mutual concern with Eritrea and Djibouti to a more regional and international issue.
Ethiopia, led by Dr. Abiy Ahmed, aims to gain access to the Red Sea for commercial benefits and to establish its own military base. This has led to initiatives from other countries in the region to provide Ethiopia with access to the sea, but with the condition of a military base.
Ethiopia has a historical right to access the Red Sea, and the benefits of this agreement are regional and international. It has changed the geopolitics of the region, and other African countries are now offering their support. However, Ethiopia will only accept offers that are better than what Somaliland has presented.
This agreement with Somaliland may change the geopolitics of the region and is both strategic and tactical. It depends on how Somaliland behaves and what they offer Ethiopia. If a better offer comes along, the government may consider it. For now, the offer from Somaliland is the best.
This agreement could also change Ethiopia’s approach, as historically they sought access through Eritrea. This new development with Somaliland could shift the dynamics, depending on how both parties behave and respond to each other’s offers.
Many Ethiopians are going to the Middle East in search of better jobs. In this regard, what is your institute doing to raise awareness in the Arab community and contribute to solving this problem?
This issue is very significant, but through the media, we aim to shed light on the problem. For example, when many Ethiopian workers returned from Saudi Arabia to Ethiopia, it became a major issue. The Ethiopian government managed to resolve it, but illegal migration remains a significant challenge.
As Ethiopian Diaspora, we focus on spreading accurate information about the dangers of illegal immigration. It is not only harmful to individuals and their families but also to the country as a whole. We emphasize the consequences of illegal immigration and promote legal immigration as the best option.
In Sweden, where I work with refugees and legal immigration, we witness many individuals from African countries like Ethiopia and Eritrea coming in illegally. We see the negative impact it has on their health and families. Therefore, it is crucial to provide correct information to encourage legal immigration and discourage illegal immigration.
While the government has made progress in addressing issues between Saudi Arabia and Ethiopia, there is still a need to educate the public and increase awareness to prevent further problems. Ultimately, we aim to create new opportunities for our youth so they do not feel the need to immigrate illegally.
Many Ethiopian activists who are advocating for the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD) and promoting a positive image of Ethiopia are facing challenges, such as marginalization in the Arab world. Do you have any experience with this issue?
Personally, I do not have direct experience with this as I live in the West and hold Swedish citizenship. However, I understand the difficulties faced by Ethiopian media activists living in Arab countries. They may struggle to defend their beliefs in the media due to restrictions in those countries.
It is essential for the Ethiopian government to support its citizens living abroad and provide guidelines on how to navigate these challenges diplomatically. While it is important to advocate for Ethiopian interests, it must be done in a way that respects the laws of the host country and maintains positive relations between Ethiopia and the Arab countries.
These are the questions I have prepared for you. If you have any additional points to add, please feel free to do so.
Yes, thank you for this opportunity. What I am requesting from our government is greater access to information.
As Ethiopian media activists around the world, in the West, and in Arab countries, we need quick and useful information. Sometimes, even my brother Samer Aino and I receive statements from the Egyptian Foreign Minister or Arab media regarding events in Ethiopia. We often have to wait 24, 48, or even 72 hours to hear from our own government or ministers.
This delay is problematic, especially when we are invited to speak on Arabic media. They are informed quickly about statements or comments made by Egypt or Sudan, and they ask for our opinions. Meanwhile, we struggle to find any official statements in Amharic, English, or Arabic. This puts us at a disadvantage when providing analysis or commentary.
While we are not official representatives of the Ethiopian government, our insights are valuable and can help shape public opinion and reduce conflicts until official statements are released. This challenge is significant, and we need quicker access to information to stay competitive with Arabic media.
When I visit news outlets like Al Jazeera, I often find that there is no official response from our government, but I still provide my perspective. This lack of information hinders our ability to keep up with the speed of Arabic media.
Thank you.
It is my pleasure.
BY GIRMACHEW GASHAW
THE ETHIOPIAN HERALD SATURDAY 19 OCTOBER 2024
