Ethiopia, a landlocked country since Eritrea gained independence in 1993, has long faced challenges due to its lack of direct access to the sea. The absence of a coastline significantly impacts Ethiopia’s economy, trade logistics, and political positioning. The country has relied heavily on neighboring Djibouti for port services, with over 95% of its imports and exports passing through the Port of Djibouti. Ethiopia’s dependence on a single foreign port raises several valid concerns that are rooted in economic, security, and geopolitical factors.
Any political instability, natural disaster, or disagreement between Ethiopia and Djibouti could seriously affect Ethiopia’s trade. The high cost of using Djibouti’s ports, coupled with long delays due to congestion, adds to Ethiopia’s economic strain.
Being landlocked significantly increases Ethiopia’s transport costs. The distance from the main industrial centers in Addis Ababa to the port of Djibouti is over 900 km, raising the cost of goods and limiting export competitiveness. Reducing these logistical burdens is essential to Ethiopia’s economic growth.
The country’s reliance on a single neighboring country for sea access raises concerns about the potential for geopolitical leverage. Djibouti, despite a strong relationship with Ethiopia, holds a considerable degree of influence over Ethiopia’s trade routes. Expanding access to alternative ports would reduce this dependency.
The country has shown interest in alternative ports in neighboring countries to ease the pressure on Djibouti. For example, it has pursued agreements to use ports in Eritrea, Somaliland (Berbera), and Kenya (Lamu). Diversifying trade routes is seen as a strategic goal to improve Ethiopia’s regional integration and strengthen its economy.
There is a historical ambition tied to having access to its own port or sea outlet, a sentiment shared by many Ethiopians who view direct maritime access as crucial to national pride, economic independence, and security. Ethiopia has long had historical ties to the Red Sea, and regaining some form of access to it would address these historical aspirations. Ethiopia’s interest in regional integration stems from its strategic goal to improve economic cooperation and trade connectivity. Regional infrastructure projects such as the LAPSSET corridor (Lamu Port-South Sudan-Ethiopia-Transport) and the revitalization of the Ethiopian railway network aim to enhance Ethiopia’s trade links with neighboring countries. These initiatives not only support Ethiopia’s economic goals but also strengthen its political ties with countries in the Horn of Africa.
Many Ethiopians view access to a sea outlet as a means to achieve greater economic independence. Port access would allow Ethiopia to control its own trade routes, reducing reliance on foreign nations and improving national logistics and trade competitiveness.
There is a sense of historical injustice associated with the loss of its coastal territory, and many Ethiopians feel that reclaiming some form of access to the sea is essential for restoring the nation’s dignity.
Without direct control over a sea outlet, Ethiopia faces challenges in securing its trade routes. The ability to safeguard its maritime access is seen as crucial to Ethiopia’s national security strategy, especially in a volatile region like the Horn of Africa.
Having a strategic sea outlet would allow it to strengthen its leadership role in the region. Access to a major port would enhance its ability to facilitate trade within the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA), boosting its ambitions for greater regional influence.
Ethiopia’s quest for access to the sea is rooted in practical economic needs and historical-national sentiment. As a landlocked country, its reliance on Djibouti’s ports creates vulnerabilities that threaten its economic and geopolitical interests. By seeking alternative routes and potentially restoring direct access to the sea, Ethiopia aims to mitigate these risks while asserting its position as a major regional player. Regional integration efforts, such as securing access to multiple ports in neighboring countries, remain central to Ethiopia’s strategy to reduce dependency and enhance its long-term development goals.
Given the region’s busy maritime trade and security challenges like piracy and terrorism, countries establish military bases to safeguard trade routes and combat these threats, said Professor of Practice and International Consultant in Water Resource Engineering, Dr. Admasu Gebeyehu.
“Any issues rising in the Red Sea have significant implications for Ethiopia. The country’s concerns in the Red Sea extend beyond mere port access, encompassing broader security issues. Given Ethiopia’s close geographical proximity to the Red Sea, its development and stability are closely linked to the area”, he said
It is to be recalled that Ethiopia has reorganized a naval force that was disbanded decades ago. The military wing came into being on the heels of the 2018 reform with troops trained in Russia and other countries.
“The expansion of military bases allows regional countries to train their own military forces, fostering peace and also attracting financial support,” he added.
Mulualem Hailemariam is a lecturer in political science and international relations at Wachamo University. He believed that optimism about future sea access might be the driving force behind the re-establishment of the Ethiopian naval force.
“A naval force would enhance Ethiopia’s defensive capabilities and enable better control over goods entering and leaving the country. Thus, the re-establishment of the Ethiopian naval force could potentially be a preparatory measure for future sea access.”
As Ethiopia pushes for a call for regional cooperation to utilize the Red Sea, there have been fears of a possible war outbreak or regional rift, a claim dismissed by Mulalem. He argued that some individuals try to relate Ethiopia’s recent military parade on the 116th National Military Day as a warming-up exercise. He emphasized that “such assertions are entirely false and that military parades, such as the recent one on the national military day, are customary events in every country, serving different purposes and the country is not trying to flex its muscles”.
It is easy to imagine how much the costs affect the countries with no access to sea ports of their own because they have to pay for the various expenses related to the usage of the ports, the extra kilometers that they are required to cover in order to transport the goods they buy from outside or export goods they sell to foreign markets. These expenses are also susceptible of continuous increments depending on several circumstances some forecasted others not even dreamt of and how the international markets operate with inevitable fluctuations. Hence the dependence of landlocked countries on those who offer them the services is so big that the influence on the overall performance of the economy of a given landlocked country could be immense and cannot be dismissed as simple and negligible.
Having direct access to the sea means a lot of things to any country that especially relies a lot on import-export transactions affecting its economy deeply such as the case of Ethiopia. It means that these countries can have whatever kind of relations with anyone out there choosing whatever clients whereas those landlocked could be affected by the choice of the country that offers it access to a port service. They could limit the number of ships that dock on their ports or ban certain countries’ ships that they consider as not friendly or with whom they do not have particularly good relations and this can hamper the kind of relations the landlocked country could entertain freely with their trading partner.
BY STAFF REPORTER
THE ETHIOPIAN HERALD TUESDAY 29 OCTOBER 2024
